City Bountiful: A Century of Community Gardening in America

City Bountiful: A Century of Community Gardening in America
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ISBN 10: 0520243439

There have been vacant-lot gardens, school gardens, Depression-era relief gardens, victory City Bountiful A Century of Community Gardening in America. City Bountiful [Laura J. Lawson] on klasimfirofu.gq A CENTURY OF COMMUNITY GARDENING IN AMERICA was the topic that answered both questions.

University of California Press, Very Good. Disclaimer:A copy that has been read, but remains in excellent condition. Pages are intact and are not marred by notes or highlighting, but may contain a neat previous owner name.

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The spine remains undamaged. Dust jacket quality is not guaranteed. City Bountiful Lawson, Laura J. University of California Press. Used - Very Good. Light to moderate shelf wear. Clean pages. Ships with Tracking Number! May not contain Access Codes or Supplements. May be ex-library. Buy with confidence, excellent customer service! We're sorry - this copy is no longer available. More tools Find sellers with multiple copies Add to want list. Didn't find what you're looking for? The following praise of the DeWitt Clinton Farm School in New York was written by social reformer Jacob Riis in , and while it reveals the stylistic quirks of his time, similar objectives might be cited today: The destructive forces of the neighborhood had been harnessed by so simple a thing as a garden patch, and made constructive.

And a "sense of dignity of labor" had grown up in that of all most unlikely spots, that made the young gardeners willing and anxious to work for the general good as well as for themselves. Compare this to a description of the San Francisco League of Urban Gardeners SLUG youth program: SLUG's youth programs provide opportunities for teenagers to earn a paycheck, contribute to their communities, learn skills, and spend their free time productively and safely.

History of Community Garden Movement in America – Part 2: Pingree’s Potato Patches, Detroit

Teens also discover a group to belong to, adult mentors to look up to, and a whole support network to turn to when they need help or guidance. Society has downplayed the importance of these opportunities and this support, choosing instead to pour resources into punishing youth once they have taken a wrong turn. Teens working at SLUG are building healthy futures for themselves and the city. This comparison does not mean program objectives have not changed over time; contemporary issues and local conditions shape each incarnation of the urban garden program.

For instance, the paternalism that was acceptable in the early twentieth century is now replaced by goals of social justice. Tone and wording are not the only ways this is expressed. Whereas in the s, middle-class women's clubs brought window boxes to tenements as a beautification gesture, today a garden organization's efforts at street beautification may include, along with window boxes and tree planting, local leadership development, lead abatement education, and youth training programs. Nevertheless, there are significant recurring themes. An important one is the use of gardening to reintroduce "nature" to the city.

Urban garden programs provide a participatory experience that connects people living in cities, especially children, to the soil and plant and animal life. In some cases, the garden has served as a foil to the city by providing an avenue for the expression of agrarian values and ethics.

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At the start of the twentieth century, the urban garden was often viewed as a transitional space, an opportunity to teach immigrants and urban dwellers to love nature and therefore leave the city for the suburbs and country. In the s, the garden was a testing ground for new ideas on how to integrate nature and the city, as in public housing or cooperative housing proposals that include community garden plots. This reconnection with nature is often associated with improving social and psychological health.

Today, gardens are often described as oases of green in a concrete-dominated urban world. Thus, gardens appear in very urban places, such as Battery Park City in New York, where only a few people may have the opportunity to garden plots but many more can enjoy viewing them as passersby.

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In another context, a community garden plot can help recent immigrants with agricultural skills to transition into urban economies, as is the case at the Watts Growing Project in Los Angeles. Quite often, gardens include culturally significant reminders of agrarian traditions, such as scarecrows, sheds that look like red barns, or crops from gardeners' countries of origin.

A second theme is the association of urban gardens with education. Through gardening, one learns not only practical skills associated with gardening—the steps necessary to nurture seed to fruit—but also the civic-mindedness to nurture a community open space. The connection of gardening to learning has been the impetus behind various attempts to integrate gardens into school grounds and academic curricula. Interest in school gardens swelled from the s to s, during the war- and victory-garden campaigns, and has recently regained popularity.

For older children and adults, the educational capacity of gardening translates into job training. Through gardening, one learns how to work, and why. This conviction has been put to work in the relief gardens of the s, the subsistence garden programs of the s, and entrepreneurial training programs today. A project in to teach "backward or defective boys" through market-based urban farming is the precursor of current entrepreneurial gardens targeting "at-risk" populations.

In some cases, the official purpose of a program might be to teach agriculture and gardening, but more likely the goal is to teach good work ethics that translate to many forms of employment.

go The tangible nature of gardening allows participants to see the rewards of one's labor, the benefits of teamwork, and the importance of commitment and patience. A third theme is the portrayal of gardens as a democratic space and gardening as an activity that brings diverse ethnic groups together in mutual self-interest. The urban garden offers an opportunity for families and neighbors to help themselves during war, depression, or civil unrest. During the world wars, the nation called upon its citizens to garden as an expression of their patriotism.

The World War I campaign emphasized the dire need to produce food for households so farm-raised foods could be sent overseas, while the victory-garden campaign of World War II focused more on health, exercise, and morale than on food production for the war effort. During both wars, promotional material frequently praised community gardens as places where bosses and workers, husbands and wives, and people from varied ethnic backgrounds worked shoulder to shoulder.

From the s onward, the community garden movement supported a more localized camaraderie and morale. Faced with disinvestments and racial tensions, people got together to reclaim land and build food-bearing, social open spaces. These three themes—nature, education, and self-help—interweave according to the current social debates of the time.

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Notify me of new posts via email. The School Garden Movement 3. Times News Platforms. Of these, 39 are located on the Lower East Side, in what is the largest concentration of such gardens found anywhere in the United States. Developing deep case studies, or rigorous stories, with and about the work of each of the five CBOs partners in Food Dignity. Email required Address never made public.

Given such broad ambitions, gardens are applied as solutions to address a range of concerns. Our gut instinct assures us that urban gardens are a means to counter urban congestion as well as depopulation, to improve education, to provide recreation, to ease labor relations, to curb social anomie, and to remedy environmental conditions. For example, school gardens appealed to turn-of-the-century reformers and educators as a way to improve education through manual training while also providing an entry point to teach immigrant families about civic duty, health and sanitation, and middle-class aesthetic values.

Today, programs such as Philadelphia Green use gardening projects to nurture community participation, revitalize neglected neighborhood landscapes, and foster local entrepreneurship. The urban garden is rarely the end goal but rather facilitates agendas that reach beyond the scope of gardening. The many outcomes associated with gardens have also attracted support from various organizations, including beautification groups, charitable organizations, government agencies, environmental groups, and neighborhood associations.

The up side of this fact is that it allows programs to draw on many interests and resources. The down side is that the high ideals associated with gardening rarely can be documented or verified. The tendency to layer multiple agendas on gardens makes achievable objectives difficult to ascertain, much less prove to a skeptical land developer or policy maker. The lack of clarity makes it possible for a garden to seem like an educational resource to one person and a regressive paternalistic institution to another.

Urban garden programs persist as a small but pervasive strategy to improve American urban conditions. The public receives garden programs favorably, particularly at times of societal change, as a satisfyingly direct and tangible means for people to improve the local manifestations of larger social, environmental, or economic crises. Urban gardening has been and remains an appealing approach because it shows immediate results, is highly participatory, and is relatively cheap compared to other strategies, such as new housing, more jobs, or school reform.

Even though urban gardens have had periods of broad popular support and receive the general goodwill of the public, they rarely have been considered permanent. Most urban garden programs throughout urban gardening's hundred-year history have been designed to be temporary.

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Situated on borrowed land and often relying on borrowed leadership for organizational and technical support, garden programs tend to seize immediate opportunities without asking for any assurance of permanence. Once the war, economic depression, or civic crisis fades, less attention is paid to continuing the garden program. As economic and social conditions stabilize, the garden site—usually donated—becomes more valuable for development of a different kind.